The United Arab Emirates (UAE)

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) Abstract Abu Dhabi and Dubai are the most economically successful urban areas in the United Arab Emirates. These emirates’ economic and social progress directly depends on the development of the oil industry.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The United Arab Emirates (UAE) specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In spite of the controversial aspects which are associated with the issues of economic and environmental sustainability, the planning and housing in Abu Dhabi and Dubai are the important developed sectors which are promoted by the governments to satisfy the citizens’ needs with the help of the developed housing programmes and projects. Although the housing policies and programmes developed and implemented in Abu Dhabi and Dubai differ in some conditions and aspects, the basic principles and norms on which the policies and programmes are based are similar and work to protect the citizens’ rights. T he projects worked out in Abu Dhabi and Dubai respond to the idea of social and environmental sustainability, and the housing programmes are developed to address the citizens’ needs and resolve the housing problems. Introduction The United Arab Emirates (UAE) consist of seven federal emirates, and the paper focuses on the discussion of the development of such emirates as Abu Dhabi and Dubai which economic and social progress is associated with the effective government policies implemented within the economic and social spheres. Several decades ago, the territories of Abu Dhabi and Dubai were deserts, and today they are prosperous urban regions. The main purpose of this report is to examine the functioning of governmental housing policies and programmes, the main trends in the real estate markets of Abu Dhabi and Dubai, and the property rights followed in the emirates which can influence the development of the housing policies; it is necessary to analyze the data on the housin g programmes’ implementation and to compare the information on the functioning of the policies in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. The reason for writing the report is the necessity to examine the factors that shape the growth of Abu Dhabi and Dubai in relation to the accepted planning and housing policies. The results of this report can be used to work out the recommendations that can improve the economic and environmental sustainability of Dubai and Abu Dhabi.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The report is developed to address several significant assumptions. It is possible to assume that the rapid demographic and economic growth of Dubai and Abu Dhabi is based on the development of the oil industry in the country (Sayigh 2013, p. 131). However, it is also important to pay attention to the fact that there are different visions of the rapid economic development of the U AE in relation to the impact on the environment (Norton 2005). The study is conducted to examine the economic and environmental sustainability of the hosing policies, projects, and programmes used in Dubai and Abu Dhabi (Hawkins 2004; Kazimee 2012, p. 179). These assumptions are helpful for evaluating the development of these two emirates in relation to the efficiency of many housing programs implemented in Dubai and Abu Dhabi. This report contains a literature review in which the history of housing policies in Dubai and Abu Dhabi is discussed, the discussion of the urban development in Dubai and Abu Dhabi, the discussion of property rights and housing policies in the emirates, the discussion of the government housing policies and programmes in Dubai and Abu Dhabi with the focus on their similarities and differences, and the results and discussion sections which provide the comparison and overview of the report findings. Reference List Hawkins, R 2004, The Practical Guide to Waste M anagement Law: With a List of Abbreviations and Acronyms, Useful Websites and Relevant Legislation, Thomas Telford, London. Kazimee, B 2012, Heritage and Sustainability in the Islamic Built Environment, WIT Press, Ashurst. Norton, B 2005, Sustainability: A Philosophy of Adaptive Ecosystem Management, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The United Arab Emirates (UAE) specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Sayigh, A 2013, Sustainability, Energy and Architecture: Case Studies in Realizing Green Buildings, Academic Press, New York.

French Numerical Adjectives - Adjectifs numéraux

French Numerical Adjectives - Adjectifs numà ©raux In the   French language, numerical adjectives arent as complicated as they might sound - numerical adjective is simply the grammatical term for numbers. There are three types of numerical adjectives, each used for a different purpose - see table at the bottom of the page. Placement of Numerical Adjectives Cardinal numerical adjectives precede the noun they modify, as well as any other adjectives (numerical or not) that precede the noun.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Jai deux livres.  Ã‚  Ã‚  I have two books.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Il a achetà © une nouvelle voiture.  Ã‚  Ã‚  He bought a new car.  Ã‚  Ã‚  les trois premiers jours  Ã‚  Ã‚  the first three daysOrdinal numerical adjectives, multiplicatives, and the fraction demi usually precede the noun they modify:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Cest le deuxià ¨me jour.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Its the second day.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Il veut un double whisky.  Ã‚  Ã‚  He wants a double whiskey.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jy vais dans une heure et demie.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Im going in an hour and a half.Fractions, other than demi, require the following format in front of nouns: article/number fraction de:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jai regardà © un tiers du film.  Ã‚  Ã‚  I watched a third of the movie.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Il a bu deux cinquià ¨mes de la bouteille.  Ã‚  Ã‚  He drank two fifths of the bottle.   Agreement of Numerical Adjectives   Only a few numerical adjectives agree with the nouns they modify.1. Cardinal numbers - all invariable, except for one:  Ã‚  Ã‚  un homme (one man) / une femme (one woman)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  vs  Ã‚  Ã‚  deux hommes (two men) / deux femmes (two women)2. Ordinal numbers - First is variable. The rest are invariable, but note that if preceded by a definite article, it must match the gender of the noun:  Ã‚  Ã‚  le premier livre (the first book) / la premià ¨re peinture (the first painting)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  vs  Ã‚  Ã‚  le deuxià ¨me livre (the second book) / la troisià ¨me bouteille (the third bottle)3. Multiplicative numbers are all invariable.4. Fractions - demi can be masculine or feminine, while the others can be singular or plural:  Ã‚  Ã‚  un demi kilo (half a kilo) / une demie bouteille (half a bottle)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  vs  Ã‚  Ã‚  un quart (one fourth) / trois quarts (three fourths) Types of Numerical Adjectives Name Used for Examples Cardinal numbers Counting un, deux, trois Ordinal numbers Ranking premier, deuxime, troisime Multiplicative numbers Multiplying simple, double, triple Fractions Dividing un demi, un tiers, un quart *Fractions, with the exception of demi, are nouns rather than adjectives, but it makes sense to include them with the other types of numbers.Technically, numerical adjectives are not adjectives at all - they are a mathematical feature which, grammatically, act more or less like adjectives.

Explain the relationship between power and pornography in Carter's The Essay

Explain the relationship between power and pornography in Carter's The Bloody Chamber - Essay Example Marquis subjugates the girl by means of a pornographic linkage. Marquis controls the girl by means of her pornographic image in her own eyes. After reaching Marquis’ bed chamber, the girl sees so many mirrors on the walls. Marquis informs the girl about her inferior status as compared to his own by undressing her. When the girl after being undressed watches herself in the numerous mirrors, she regards herself as a piece of assessment and no more. When she is being assessed extremely by the Marquis, she considers herself as a lamb chop as she says that he â€Å"examined her, limb by limb† and she also considers her confrontation with her husband as â€Å"the most pornographic of all confrontations†. Therefore, because of her nudity and pornographic exposure, she regards herself in the power of Marquis with no self will. The choker that the Marquis asks the girl to continue putting on can also be seen as a tool for controlling the girl. The girl tells, â€Å"He made me put on my choker†. She put on the choker while she did not want to as â€Å"it was cold as ice and chilled† her. The choker can be seen as a subjugation symbol that is employed by the Marquis. He asked the girl to put it on as he wanted to exercise his full control over her. As far as the pornography in this scene is concerned, it is wholly pornographic. The choker is a symbol of power that Marquis exercised over the girl by making her put on the choker always. When the Marquis tries to kill the girl, he orders her to be there and informs her that he will kill her. In that scene also, he asks the girl to put on her gems as a symbol of his power over the girl and tears her clothes away and subjugates her in her pornographic imagery. Marquis exercised control over the girl by means of her pornographic images. He maintains his control over her by making her put on the choker that works as a symbol of his power over him while he continues to assess the girl

The Difference between Hazardous Waste and Hazardous Material Research Paper

The Difference between Hazardous Waste and Hazardous Material - Research Paper Example On the other hand, an environmental hazard is a state of events with the potential to threaten its surrounding natural substances and hence adversely affect the health of people in that particular environment. Therefore, hazards are categorized into five types depending on their cause as follows; psychosocial hazards, mechanical, physical, biological and chemical hazards. Notably, a hazard is not the same as a risk. While a hazard is a source of potential damage, harm or adverse health effects, a risk is the combination of a probability that an event or incident may bring negative results. A hazardous waste is any waste substance that is dangerous and or is potentially harmful to the health of human beings and the environment. Such wastes can be liquids, solids, sludge or even gasses. Hazardous wastes may be in the form of the disposed commercial products, cleaning fluids or the by-products of any manufacturing processes. The different types of hazardous wastes are categorized into listed wastes, characteristic wastes, universal wastes and mixed wastes. It follows that specific procedures determine the ways in which wastes are identified, classified, listed, and also delisted. On the other hand, a hazardous material is any dangerous good in the form of a solid, liquid or gas with the potential to harm people, other living things, cause damage to property as well as cause damage to the environment. Such dangerous goods could be a biohazard, flammable substances, and allergens or constitute elements that render them hazardous at particular circumstances and instances. H owever, there is a relationship between hazardous wastes and hazardous material (LaGrega, Buckingham & Evans, 2010). It is through the use or getting in contact with hazardous materials that hazardous wastes are produced. Without hazardous materials, there would be no hazardous wastes. For instance, pesticides are used to control pests at homes or in

The First Hundred Days of FDR and Obama in the Presidential Seat Essay Example for Free

The First Hundred Days of FDR and Obama in the Presidential Seat Essay Two Presidents took up the Presidential seat under the time of an economic recession in the United States. These two are Former President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (widely known as FDR) and President Barrack Obama, the newly elected President in last year’s elections. Both have entered the presidential scene in a time of great economic crisis; in FDR’s time was the Great Depression and in Obama’s, a mirror or reoccurrence of the Great Depression. The former successfully dealt with the Great Depression, rescuing the country from economic collapse and impending civil unrest—if the crisis would continue. The latter is expected by the public to deliver the same performance under the same economic situation, hoping that everything would be fine in the nearest possible future. Comparing the two president’s first hundred days in the presidential seat, they exert the aura of hope as seen by the public eye when they first took up the presidential seat, to deliver the country from a worsening economic meltdown. In his first few days of office, President Franklin D. Roosevelt immediately aimed for rescuing the United States’ economy from the Great Depression—a massive economic recession. It was a challenge for the President-elect to save the country from such a sinkhole but he already laid out plans on how he would be able to achieve this primary goal. The first thing that he aimed for was to close all the banks in the country, declaring a bank â€Å"holiday†. This was done in order for the government and these bankers to assess the situation and plan out a strategy in order to regain control of the deteriorating economy. The Emergency Banking Bill was implemented in order to reorganize banks in the country, and later to reopen these under a new structure, which proved to be a great move by the president. After his terms in the office, he was regarded as a model for succeeding presidents to follow as he was able to achieve so many great things in the face of crisis—from the Great Depression to the Second World War. During his first hundred days, he was able to stabilize the American economy, avoiding its further downfall. Presidents that followed tried to recreate FDR’s term. The recent president-elect Barrack Obama has probably felt the same pressure as what FDR felt during his first hundred days in the office, entering the scene upon which the country is suffering a similar economic downturn; Dà ©jà   vu as many economists and historians would believe. However, the question still remains: would he be able to pull off the same stunts as that of the late FDR? Somehow, President Obama is showing some signs of promise in his first few days in the office. He initially concentrated with the stabilizing the country’s economy but later on concentrated on establishing better relationships with other countries—some of which are â€Å"enemies† of the United States. Even so, it still did not replicate the great achievement of FDR in his first few days in office: saving the economy from a deep sinkhole. However, it could also be assumed that Obama’s version of the â€Å"rescue† is still on the planning stages as the administration could not afford any mistakes in conducting this economic rescue plan. Also, the people have not given up hope on President Obama to deliver them from this economic tragedy in the United States. There is not much difference between the two except for the fact that FDR has successfully stabilized the economy to a more controllable level in his first hundred days in the office. He exercised an immediate relief plan for the United States government and its people, in order to save them from the spites of the Great Depression. President Obama aims to replicate this achievement as the country is currently facing the same situation. At the same time, he aimed to establish better relationships with other nations, control overseas matters, and turn the government into a transparent entity. These two presidents have shared a similar fate when they entered the presidency. They were expected by the public to relieve the country from further economic downfall, as these people considered them as a ray of hope for a better America in the future. References Kangas, S. (1997). The First 100 Days. The Great Depression: Its Causes and Cure. Retrieved April 27, 2009 from http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/First100days.htm Smith, J. E. (2009, January 16). How F.D.R. Made the Presidency Matter. 100 Days: Starting the Job, From F.D.R. to Obama. Retrieved April 27, 2009 from http://100days.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/01/16/how-fdr-made-the-presidency-matter/ Talev, M. (2009, April 26). Obama’s first 100 days in office haven’t been quite. McClatchy Newspapers. Retrieved April 27, 2009 from http://news.yahoo.com/s/mcclatchy/20090426/pl_mcclatchy/3217776

American Foreign Policy in the 1890s Essay -- essays papers

American Foreign Policy in the 1890s American foreign policy during the 1890s was based on many factors that each acted as an individual justification for our country’s behavior as a whole. Racism, nationalism, commercialism, and humanitarianism each had its own role in the actions America took against other nations. Most Americans were extremely racist during this time period. The predominant culture in the country was white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestants, aka WASPs. They scorned the now free black people and all European immigrants that came to our nation. They gave anyone with the slightest differences a very hard time, whether they were citizens of America or not. If they did such things to their fellow countrymen, their reactions to foreigners was considerably magnified. They criticized Europeans on their foreign practices, especially when it came to Imperialism. But when they caught on to the European’s ideas, they twisted the concept to adjust it to their own needs. That’s when the other major justifications to their foreign policy come in. Humanitarianism was the major justification that Americans used when they established their territories. Americans may have shunned the Europeans’ actions to gain colonies solely for power and prestige, but they certainly weren’t going to let the Europeans be the only ones who practiced what they considered to be a pretty good idea. That’s when Americans twisted their racism around to suit their needs. They felt, as the white race, ...

Drugs Should Their Sale and Use Be Legalized

Running Head: SHOULD DRUGS BE LEGALIZED Comp II Drugs: Should Their Sale and Use Be Legalized Arnold Heningburg Palm Beach Atlantic University Instructor: Heather Patton Drugs: Should Their Sale and Use Be Legalized? In the last 50 plus years, the support of legalization of drugs has been a very hotly argued topic in the United States society and the world. Many believe that â€Å"street drugs† should be legal and everyone should have the choice of using them if they desire. After the introduction of these street drugs, (some that were legal for medicinal purposes), they had to be banned in society because people were abusing them.Many of these drugs now known as illegal substances were considered legal and were manufactured and created by chemists, and at some point were used for medical reasons. Unfortunately, due to many detrimental effects of prolonged use that caused human beings to become sick or die, these drugs were deemed dangerous and made illegal by the government. William Bennett's â€Å"Drugs: Should Their Sale and Use Be Legalized† goal was to tell the general American public or the communities know how important it was to uphold the countries current drug policy.The beginning of Bennett’s statement started by saying, â€Å"The issue I want to address is our national drug policy and the intellectuals† (Bennett, William). He was particularly addressing our nation about the danger of making these drugs legal. Bennett wanted everyone to know that he undoubtedly was on the side of keeping and imposing the ban on making narcotics illegal. Bennett’s article seems to be motivated by the desire to confirm his support for the current U. S. national and international policies regarding narcotics. .†Bennett’s purpose was to win over those individuals who were not sure and those who were opposing the nations drug policy, by sharing where he stood on the issue of the nations drug policy. In the article that was w ritten by Elliott Currie which was called â€Å"Toward a Policy on Drugs†, Currie maintained that illegal drugs are an deep-rooted problem for law enforcement agencies, therefore the only resolution that could aid in resolving the problem is by seeking the views or ideas of the public on how the police and the court would take action in reducing the impact of use and sale of illegal drugs in the community and society.Curie argued that by using the free sell approach it would advocate making laws less restrictive on drugs, as well the law being less discriminating of drug users. This would mean that the government ‘s ban on illegal imports would be downgraded, which would also cause the drug users not to be treated as criminals and not being punished for their illegal activities. Currie felt that this approach has been proven effective in some of the European countries like Netherlands, where they have legalized the use of small amounts of marijuana.He also argued that d ecriminalization and deregulation are not the definitive resolution to the deteriorating drug condition, but could significantly lessen the unscientific and cruel methods currently used to battle the use and sale of illegal drugs. Currie contended that it has proven and studied that there is a correlation between the prevention of drugs and the existence of crimes and violence in communities. His contention was that if illegal drugs would be made legal then it would be safe to assume that the incidence of drug-related crimes will decrease and eventually lead to the eradication of drug problems.Although, he did contend that people should not exclusively depend on this type of approach, since there are other factors and complication implicated that cannot be addressed by this approach. In my opinion, legalization of drugs will cause an increase in drug problems and in crime. The reason I state this is that while dealing research and reading the journals and articles I found that many experts agree that illicit drugs are addictive and dangerous.Those that want to legalize can admit this, but contend that if we legalized them we would have less of a problem because by making illegal drugs legal less people would consume them and therefore by legalizing it and making it accessible people would be less likely to become addicted because they would use drugs more moderately or some may just stop using drugs altogether, since it is available if they ever did want to use, comparing it to those that don’t use cigarettes or alcohol because it is legal to use.But as I read different research and journals I found that the message from history is that periods of careless controls are accompanied by increased drug abuse and that when there is strong drug control, there is less drug abuse. References Barnet, Sylvan, Bedau, Hugo, Contemporary & Classic Arguments, A Portable Anthology, Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2005. Caulkins, Jonathan P. and Haijing Hao (2008). Modeli ng Drug Market Supply Reductions: Where Do All the Drugs Not Go? Journal of Policy Modeling. 30(2), pp. 251-270, DOI: 10. 1016/j. olmod. 2007. 04. 003. Hartnett, Edmund, Deputy Chief and Executive Officer, Narcotic Division, Drug Legalization: Why it Wouldn’t Work in the United States, New York City Police Department, New York [FN1] Speaking Out Against Drug Legalization, U. S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Washington, DC U. S. A. May 2003, www. DEA. gov; David Corcoran, Legalizing Drugs: Failures Spur Debate, New York Times, November 27, 1989; Morton M. Kondracke, Don’t Legalize Drugs, The New Republic, June 27, 1988

Justifying The State Essay

Q1 If the state is not a voluntary organisation, how can one be under any obligation to obey its commands? This is a question about justifying the state. What D. D. Raphael calls † the grounds of political obligation.1 If the state can be justified somehow then so can the commands it makes, whether it is voluntary or not. This would be a state built on individual consent; obligation to the commands of the state would flow from that consent. This essay will discuss the possibility of justifying of the state through the idea of a social contract. The state when it creates a law draws a line one cannot cross without consequences. For clarity I am talking about a serious law, specifically one that obviously has a moral base, the law against murder for example. An individualist might say ‘I have no intention of crossing that line anyway because I believe it would be morally wrong to do so’. The law in his case may as well not exist. Just by not breaking a law it can appear as though he supports it. When what he might agree with is what the law defends/upholds /represents, and that is the moral principle behind it. This is one reason why some people appear to uphold the law when in fact all they may be doing is following a personal moral code. or simply agreeing with the basic rational belief shared by most people that ‘murder is wrong or (maybe) tax for the NHS is good’ for example. I suggest this analogy can be applied when questioning many commands of the state. When I obey the state by paying taxes, I may not be doing so because I am obligated too by law but for other reasons including moral ones. Socialists (as do many others) might argue that they are happy to pay more tax in return for a wider societal benefit that includes all, i.e. as in the National Health Service. Therefore a socialist might argue that she paid her National Insurance not because the law obligates her too, but because it ‘fits her moral attitudes and outlook anyway’. The fact that she has no legal right to refuse to pay becomes relevant in this case only if she actually doesn’t. The above argument is Lockean to the extent that it â€Å"appeal[s] to the idea of individual consent.†2 It is also in part my own view, which is (I think) essentially individualist in nature, though not libertarian. The relevance of my own view to this essay is that when thinking about this question, I realised that I had no idea what my own moral position was regarding some of the most crucial problems and contradictions of political philosophy. Many of these questions require (I think) a moral stance in order to be able to make sense of them. This may seem like a non-academic approach as if I am personalising or reducing this essay to subjective notions, however the questions and issues of political philosophy are in large part moral questions and issues that therefore have as a basis, personal moral opinions. Locke’s view according to Wolff is that obligations to the institutions of the state â€Å"must be justified in terms of the will, choices or decisions of those over whom they have authority.†3 Justification of the institutions of the state that enforce obligation then is reliant on the idea that personal autonomy is of premier value. Will Kymlicka defines this as the belief that the individual is ‘morally prior’ to the community. One objection to this is the communitarian argument that the individual is not ‘morally prior’ to the community instead individuals are a ‘product of the community.’4 There are other objectors to Locke’s idea that autonomy is the primary value. Wolff writes that Bentham considered â€Å"the primary value is not autonomy but happiness †¦ whether we consent to the state is irrelevant.† 5 This utilitarian argument is that the ‘happiness’ of society, as a whole is of more value than personal autonomy or the happiness of the few or one. And that therefore one has a duty to obey the commands of the state as it pursues this goal. So if the state decides that having nuclear weapons is for the greater good (happiness) then I would be obligated to pay my share of tax for them whatever I thought. I may be against nuclear weapons or the military in general for moral reasons (pacifism for example) but my moral objection is sacrificed for the greater happiness. The problem political philosopher’s face is finding ways to solve issues like the one above. Just how does one justify the state? One theory is the idea of ‘the social contract.’ Wolff here defines the ‘project of the social contract theory.’ â€Å"The project of showing that individuals consent to the state lies behind the idea of social contract theory. If, somehow or other, it can be shown that every individual has consented to the state, or formed a contract with the state, or made a contract with each other to create a state, then the problem appears to be solved.†6 It is difficult to support the idea that the state, and thereby its commands and responding obligations, can be justified by the theory of a social contract. â€Å"The theory of a social contract tries to justify political obligation as being based on an implicit promise, like the obligation to obey the rules of a voluntary association.†7 If there were such a contract (based on the idea that the state is a voluntary organisation) the problem of individual obligation to the state would be solved. One could join (or leave) institutions of the state at will, and not be subject to state penalties. This is clearly not so. To clarify this further I can ask a different question: how much like a voluntary association is the state? The consensus among political philosophers is I think that the state is not a voluntary organisation. To be born is to be joined to it. As Raphael says â€Å"the universality of the states jurisdiction makes its compulsory character more pervasive and more evident. â€Å"8 Individuals are inextricably linked to it in many ways, for example through the financial/legal institutions. Neither of these institutions are voluntary, they both carry obligations that are enforceable by law. For a comparison I will examine what I think a voluntary organisation is. The obligations I have to the UEA regarding my degree, I agreed to honour. They were stated, I accepted. This does not mean I think the UEA is perfect. Just because I am obligated, (I agreed to the UEA rules) does not mean I cannot criticise the parking problem. What is important is that I chose to join. My obligations to the UEA are voluntary, and I can withdraw from them voluntarily and leave the university should I choose. This is not possible in the case of the state. â€Å"[I] am subject to the rules whether I like it or not.†9 As a general philosophical attitude I am ‘nervous’ or sceptical of organisations people are forced to join or have to remain joined to, this includes the idea of a state. This could be framed as, (if this sentence makes sense) ‘I do not like the idea that there is a group I am unable not to join’. These reasons might help to explain why I am ‘generally sceptical’ of some of the motives of our own state. So where does this leave us? The above contentions highlight some of the problems of the social contract theory. The central objection to it is that the state is not voluntary therefore there can be no ‘mutually agreed contract.’ Nor has there historically ever been one. As Wolff observes, if there ever was a social contract â€Å"What is the evidence? Which museum is it in?†10 The idea of a hypothetical contract is an attempt to solve this problem. It does not rely on any formal notion of â€Å"actual consent, be it historical, express, or tacit.†11 The hypothetical contract relies on hypothetical consent. If hypothetical consent were possible it would provide a moral reason for political obligation. That is the ingredient the question this essay is discussing implicitly implies is missing. The idea asks us to imagine a position from where we could successfully negotiate a social contract. Rawl’s idea is a very complex one that effects many issues. In his Theory of Justice, Rawls sets out primarily to establish â€Å"what moral principles should govern the basic structure of a just society.†12 Rawls Theory of Justice suggests a set of specific moral principles that he hopes will achieve this consensus view. It is these principles that critics of the theory in the main object to. What they are concerned with is the kind of society that would emerge from behind any veil of ignorance whatever its character. For the purpose of this essay the idea of a ‘veil of ignorance’ which is subject to many conditions, is the device Rawls uses to argue for consent. If people can agree on what would be just, (which he argues is possible using the principles he suggests) from behind a ‘veil of ignorance’ the consent reached would be a voluntary contract. Again the problem remains, what principles really constitute a ‘just society’ are not clear. Objections to Rawls ideas include the ‘libertarian critique.’ Kukathas and Pettit13 argue that for principled libertarians like Nozick the state that would emerge from Rawls’s theory â€Å"is bound to seem inherently evil.†14 Nozick’s objections are based on his libertarian view that â€Å"Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)†15 To conclude is this essay is very difficult; the argument I have tried to demonstrate is that one cannot be under any obligation to obey the commands of the state using the social contract model. I have argued that the social contract fails because it is not consensual. I have also tried to show that the idea of hypothetical contract cannot work because the ‘veil of ignorance’ still does not produce consent because people cannot agree on what the principles of a just state are. One can only be obligated to obey the commands of the state (I think) when its principles are consensual. Bibliography Chandran Kukathas and Philip Pettit, Rawls, A Theory of Justice and its Critics, (Polity Press 1990) Kymlicka, Will, Contemporary Political philosophy. Raphael, D D, Problems of Political Philosophy, (Macmillan press 1990) Wolff, Jonathan, An Introduction to Political Philosophy, (oxford University Press 1996) Colin Dunlop His II Political Philosophy Dr Kathleen Stock 04-04-03 Q1 If the state is not a voluntary organisation, how can one be under any obligation to obey its commands? 1 Raphael, D D, Problems of Political Philosophy, p175 2 Wolff, Jonathan, An Introduction to Political Philosophy, p38 3 Ibid.p38 4 See Kymlicka, Will, Contemporary Political philosophy, Ch5 (I think) his discussion â€Å"multiculturalism and communitarianism.† 5 Ibid.p38 6 Ibid.p43 7 Raphael, D D, Problems of Political Philosophy, p182 8 Ibid.p181 9 Ibid.p181 10 Wolff, Jonathan, An Introduction to Political Philosophy, p44 11 Ibid.p44 12 Chandran Kukathas and Philip Pettit, Rawls, A Theory of Justice and its Critics, p36 13 Ibid. See chapter 5 † The Libertarian Critique† 14 Ibid.p74 15 Robert Nozick quoted by Chandran Kukathas and Philip Pettit in, Rawls, A Theory of Justice and its Critics, p76

The Truth of Writing

The Truth of Writing The Truth of Writing The Truth of Writing By Guest Author This is a guest post by Shelley M. DuPont. If you want to write for Daily Writing Tips check the guidelines here. Every time I write, I discover something more about myself. I dont always see it immediately; but I begin to notice a pattern developing. Recently, I wrote a feature article and realized that I overuse the word that. Grammatically, it was not wrong; it was just too much. It visually detracted from the overall appearance of the piece. Maybe no one else would have noticed, but it bothered me. Every that was like an unsightly wad of gum stuck under a desk. I couldnt wait to pry them out. The next thing I became aware of was a tendency to edit my work as I write. This should be a separate process, and I really have to fight against doing it. Its almost like a default mode that subconsciously takes over as I write. As you can see, we all struggle with the writing process. It reveals more than we realize. To strengthen the weak spots, here are some things that may be of help to you. Avoid editing as you write-it slows down the writing process Read your piece out loud-you will hear your mistakes before you will see them Have someone read it back to you you will better determine if you clearly communicated your thought Vary your sentence structure-avoid starting every sentence with a subject, turn some sentences into questions, use introductory clauses Simplify-delete unnecessary words and phrases, avoid repetition Ive always told my students that writing is like an art form. It is the true you being unveiled. It cannot be completed in one sitting. You build it, tear it down, add more, take away, and rebuild. One day you may like it, the next you may not. Remember, Rome was not built in a day. Take your time, be thorough, have someone help you, and dont be afraid to throw your words away. Those that matter will stand. You can read more from Shelley on WriteSideUp.org. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Writing Basics category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:100 Words for Facial ExpressionsThe Six Spellings of "Long E"Trooper or Trouper?

7 Military Ranks Common in Popular Culture

7 Military Ranks Common in Popular Culture 7 Military Ranks Common in Popular Culture 7 Military Ranks Common in Popular Culture By Mark Nichol 1. Captain This all-purpose title, originally identifying the leader of any band of warriors but later formalized to refer to someone holding a specific military rank, is used in civilian contexts to refer to a sports team’s most prominent member, a successful businessperson (â€Å"captain of industry†), or any leader. The rank originated with land-based forces but was carried over in naval contexts when military leaders took nominal command of ships for naval operations or ferrying of troops from one place to another, though the master of the ship the owner or owner’s representative, who unlike the captain had nautical skills actually supervised the ship’s operations. Now, any boat owner or operator is called a captain, and the commander of a naval vessel is referred to as the captain (or, less formally, the skipper) regardless of actual rank. 2. Colonel Was Colonel Sanders, founder of the fast-food chain KFC, a military veteran? He did serve briefly in the US Army, but as a lowly private. So, where did he get his title? From the Commonwealth of Kentucky, it turns out; the Bluegrass State awards the honorific â€Å"Kentucky colonel† to selected individuals who in some way contribute to the state’s well-being. But why â€Å"Kentucky colonel†? After the Revolutionary War, aristocratic landowners who had been commissioned as colonels in the Continental Army and authorized to form regiments were thereafter referred to as â€Å"Colonel† to honor their participation in that glorious conflict. Because such men were community leaders, by extension, the honorific, and in Kentucky the more specific phrase, was later bestowed on wealthy gentlemen in general, whether they had actually held a colonel’s commission or not. This tradition intensified after the American Civil War, when, as before, it was a point of honor to be able to identify oneself as a veteran especially one who had been a senior officer. The title became a routine honorific for wealthy Southern men, even those born in succeeding generations. Colonel Sanders, though of humble origins, adopted this persona after the governor of Kentucky awarded him the title. (A similar, tongue-in-cheek designation is â€Å"Nebraska admiral† a jocular nod to the fact that the Cornhusker State is landlocked.) 3. Drill Sergeant Noncommissioned officers assigned to train recruits, depending on the particular branch of the military in which they serve, have different designations, but this title, for US Army trainers, is the one most familiar to civilians, and it is often used in nonmilitary contexts to denote a harsh taskmaster. This characterization comes from the formidable personalities drill sergeants and their ilk display, because their job is to break their recruits so that their individuality is subsumed to develop unquestioning obedience and unit cohesion, two necessities for group survival in combat. 4. Ensign Originally, ensign referred to a flag, and sometimes the rank of the junior officer assigned to carry a military unit’s flag in battle was given the same name. By extension, though ensign is no longer a rank in land-based military forces, it became the entry-level officer rank in navies, though that officer’s duties have nothing to do with flags. 5. Lieutenant This term, from the French words meaning â€Å"in place of,† originally referred to the deputy of a military leader and later came to be formalized as a military rank (with variations). Like captain, it was then extended into nonmilitary contexts to refer to any immediate subordinate. A similar word is subaltern, an obsolete junior rank corresponding to a lieutenant; the term, though rare, has the same nonmilitary connotation. 6. Major Why is the leader of a marching band called a drum major? Such ensembles are descended in concept from military marching bands, which evolved from the use of bugles, fifes, and drums to sound signals to military units because shouted orders, hand gestures, signal flags, and other forms of communication might be difficult to hear or see in the noise and confusion of battle. Civilian marching bands, whose uniforms are a carryover from military dress, originally were primarily seen in parades, but performances at sporting events, stand-alone events, and band competitions began to predominate. The title of drum major an appointment, not a rank in the military hierarchy carried over to civilian usage; as with military ensembles, the person in that position, who may serve as a conductor, a marching coordinator, or both, wears a distinctive uniform to be easily recognizable. 7. Marshal This word sometimes used in place of or in addition to general in the military hierarchies of some countries, referring to a very high-ranking officer, has lowly origins: It is from a Germanic term meaning â€Å"stable boy† or â€Å"stable servant.† (The first syllable is a cognate with mare, meaning â€Å"female horse†). In medieval society, the humble stable keeper’s status steadily rose until the title referred to the commander of a feudal lord’s cavalry. Ultimately, the term â€Å"field marshal† referred to the leader of an army or a large division of it. The law enforcement term derived from association with a military marshal’s role in keeping the peace, and the use of â€Å"grand marshal† to designate an honorary parade leader stems from the military officer’s duties in ceremonial traditions. (Similarly, constable, which developed from a Latin term meaning â€Å"count of the stable,† was used throughout history from the later days of the Eastern Roman Empire as a title for various high-ranking officials, but constable now usually refers to a low rank in law enforcement.) Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Vocabulary category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:Coordinating vs. Subordinating ConjunctionsCapitalization Rules for Names of Historical Periods and MovementsTrooper or Trouper?

Gays marriage Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Gays marriage - Essay Example Some countries such as New Zealand and Uruguay have enacted and passed laws legalizing gay marriages and which await implementation in August this year. Laws legalizing gay marriages have faced many hurdles in the passage and implementation in many countries. This is because recognition of gay marriages is a social, religious, political, human rights as well as civil issue in several countries and societies in the world (Scherer 45). Several debates continue to emerge everyday concerning legalizing gay marriages. Such marriages are performed in a religious or secular civil ceremony. Some religious faith groups permit gay marriages and these include the American Episcopalians, United Church of Africa, Quakers, Buddhism in Austria, and Conservative Jews among others (Scherer 45). According to various researches conducted in many countries, majority of people with higher levels of education support gay marriages (Chenier 19). Such support is greater among the youths than the aged. Most pollsters in western countries indicate that a majority of people continue to support gay marriages regardless of race, religions, political affiliations, ethnicities, as well as socioeconomic statuses among others. In US, residents of states such as Maryland, Maine, and Washington voted in favor of legalizing gay marriages. ... For instance, the proponents argue that prohibiting gay marriages infringes on the right of man to socialize with any person he or she wishes and seems appropriate (Saad 1). Moreover, they claim that prohibition of gay marriages is discriminatory since it categorizes people. Consequently, banning of same sex marriages infringes on the right to equal treatment of all persons regardless of sex, gender , religion, social status, race just to mention a few. According to court papers filed by American scientific associations, mockery of gay marriages contributes to discrimination of the people involved in the practice (Larocque 23). In addition, since nobody prefers or likes to be discriminated against, banning of such marriages exposes such people to various forms of discrimination. According to scientific information, marriage enhances the well-being of parents thereby, ensuring children benefit from marriage (Larocque 23). Therefore, legalizing gay marriages will improve the well-being of the couples thus, ensuring that children reared by the couple benefit to the maximum. Moreover, scientific research argues that children reared by parents engaged in gay marriages are as healthy and fit as those raised by heterosexual parents. However, the opponents of gay marriages claim that legalizing such marriages goes against the social norms, which have been respected for long time. These people argue that gay marriages arise from couples that are heterosexism or homophobic. Since such people fear or do not like associating with the opposite sex, they get comfort and consolation from people of the same sex (Mann 156). Therefore, these people are not free with the opposite sex, thus have a problem in the society. Moreover, the opponents of same sex marriage